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1994-05-02
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<text>
<title>
Morocco And Western Sahara
</title>
<article>
<hdr>
Human Rights Watch World Report 1992
Middle East Watch: Morocco and Western Sahara
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Human Rights Developments
</p>
<p> King Hassan II took several dramatic steps affecting human
rights in 1991, including releasing hundreds of political
prisoners, closing down the secret detention center of
Tazmamart, and endorsing a new law limiting the length of
incommunicado detention. The public discussion of abuses was
also freer than in previous years. While these developments
helped to improve the overall human rights picture and raise
hopes for continued progress, they did not alter the laws and
institutions responsible for the systematic nature of abuses in
Morocco.
</p>
<p> Repression during and after the Persian Gulf war revealed
how tightly authorities continue to restrict political
expression. Detainees under interrogation were routinely
tortured and subjected to trials that failed to adhere to
international standards of due process. Demonstrations and
public meetings organized by opposition parties, trade unions
and human rights organizations were often restricted, and
publications were seized or banned because of their political
content.
</p>
<p> The Moroccan judicial system is stacked against persons
arrested on political or security grounds. Suspects are often
tortured by the judicial police (police judiciaire) during
incommunicado (garde à vue) detention until they sign a
confession, and are then convicted on the basis of that
confession alone. Morocco's judges, who are appointed by the
executive branch, tend to dismiss summarily defense motions to
examine evidence of torture or procedural irregularities during
interrogation.
</p>
<p> Abuses of this nature were experienced by many of the
suspects arrested in connection with riots that took place in
Fez, Tangier and other cities on December 14 and 15, 1990, and
by persons arrested for participating in "illegal" pro-Iraq
demonstrations before and during the Gulf war.
</p>
<p> As of March 1991, some 850 Moroccans had been sentenced to
up to fifteen years in prison in connection with the December
riots, in trials of up to eighty-five defendants at a time. Most
of the defendants had been charged with participating in the
looting and violent demonstrations that broke out on December
14, the day that a general strike was declared by two major
unions. Many of these defendants, as well as persons arrested
for demonstrating during the Gulf war, were subjected to
irregularities in arrest and pretrial procedures, and were
convicted in unfair trials in which defense lawyers were given
almost no time to prepare and judges dismissed motions to
examine evidence of torture. (See Amnesty International,
"Morocco: Update on Human Rights Violations," March 1991. The
independent Moroccan Organization for Human Rights also
denounced unfair trials of both groups of defendants in
communiques of January 9 and 23, 1991. The latter describes
how, on January 22, a court of first instance in Fez refused a
defense motion to order a medical expert to examine marks on
the bodies of the defendants who had been arrested four days
earlier in a demonstration.)
</p>
<p> As rare as it may be for a defendant's allegations of
torture to be examined by a judge, it is even more unusual for
physical abuse to lead to punishment of the responsible parties.
Middle East Watch is aware of no member of the security forces
who has been charged with using excessive force in suppressing
the December 1990 riots or any subsequent demonstration or
disturbance. Only one case of abuse in detention led to legal
action in 1991: six Casablanca policemen were arrested and
charged in connection with the death of Lamseguem el-Hachmi, a
thirty-six-year-old peddler and an activist in one of the legal
opposition parties, who was arrested in a sweep of street
vendors on September 21 and died the same day. (Liberation
(Rabat), November 15, 1991. Morocco has signed the Convention
against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment, adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1984,
but has not yet ratified it.)
</p>
<p> New limits on the duration of incommunicado detention and
preventive detention (when a person is administratively placed
in custody but not held incommunicado) were proposed by the
officially created Consultative Council on Human Rights,
described below, and approved by the king and Parliament in
early 1991. To date, however, these reforms have not been
promulgated.
</p>
<p> The proposed law would make the following changes:
</p>
<p>-- Incommunicado detention would be limited to four days except
for a single extension for the same period when the
investigation involves offenses against the internal or
external security of the state. The current legal maximum in
nearly all cases involving state security is twelve days.
However, a 1971 law would remain on the books and allow
authorities to exceed the new eight-day limit for offenses
against state security in which the suspects are military
personnel, or for certain offenses against state security in
which the suspects are civilians.
</p>
<p>-- The new law would not give a detainee the right to legal
counsel while being held incommunicado, but would allow a
lawyer to be present when the detainee is brought before a
prosecutor or judge at the end of his incommunicado detention.
</p>
<p>-- The new law would also limit preventive detention to two
months, with up to five two-month renewals permitted when the
investigation involves a grave crime and an order with an
explanation is issued each time by a judge. Currently,
preventive detention orders can be renewed indefinitely.
</p>
<p> The proposed law would be a step in the right direction.
According to lawyers active in the independent Moroccan
Organization for Human Rights (OMDH), the "spirit" of the law
has already contributed to a reduction in the mistreatment of
incommunicado detainees. However, the proposed legal limit of
eight days on incommunicado detention would not by itself
eliminate the torture of suspects, which regularly has occurred
during the initial days of detention. Even under the new law,
no independent persons are allowed access to detainees while
they are being held incommunicado. Only enforcement of the
procedural and criminal safeguards against torture will deter
abuse.
</p>
<p> There are several hundred unresolved cases of suspected
disappearance in Morocco. Most, but not all, involve Western
Saharans, or Sahrawis. The government denies that it is holding
any Sahrawis after releasing more than three hundred since June.
</p>
<p> The release of the Sahrawis was one of two dramatic
improvements in 1991 with regard to disappearances in Morocco.
The other was the closure in September of the secret detention
center of Tazmamart, where sixty-one military personnel had
been transferred in 1973 and held incommunicado since then in
appalling conditions. (One inmate was permitted to correspond
infrequently with his American wife. All other letters to the
outside world had to be smuggled out. See generally Middle East
Watch, "Deaths in a Secret Detention Center," April 1990.)
These measures were major breakthroughs on two issues that
previously the government had refused to address publicly.
</p>
<p> However, the breakthroughs were of limited scope. In neither
case was any official information provided about those who had
died while in secret detention. Furthermore, several hundred
Sahrawis remained unaccounted for, and may still be in Moroccan
custody, despite official denials.
</p>
<p> The inmates at Tazmamart had been sentenced to terms ranging
from three years to life in prison for their roles in two
abortive coup attempts in 1971 and 1972. None of them--not
even the more than fifty who had completed their terms--was
freed.
</p>
<p> In September, after years of denying the existence of
Tazmamart, officials who insisted on anonymity indicated